This temple was built near the forum, and became later part of the enlarged forum area. Cult and temple became important to the Roman knights, at least since the 4 th century BC, when a bronze plaque was set up on the temple wall commemorating the Roman citizenship of the Campanian knights in BC According to Dionysius of Halicarnassus the parade of the knights was installed in memory of the battle.
He argues for this connection because at that very date of the parade, the 15 th of July, the battle at Lake Regillus had taken place Dion. According to the Livian tradition Liv. Usually this connection was not focused on the twin aspect, from e.
senatorial brothers to the brotherly young heroes, but on the aspect of protectors of battles in which the Roman cavalry played a major part. The victorious general and after him his family-member magistrates could refer again and again to these tutelary aspects of the two Gods, to the Dioscuri as protectors of the Roman people, the Roman knights, and few distinguished families.
Quinctius Flamininus dedicated a silver shield with a metrical inscription to the Dioscuri in Delphi and probably as well one in Rome after his victory over Philip V at Cynoscephalae in BC Plut.
Quinctius triumuir monetalis of BC, chose the iconography of galloping Dioscuri on the coins in poetry the assimilation of Augustus and his virtues with the Dioscuri But in difference to modern wide-spread belief, the evidence is small and scattered The Dioscuri-assimilation of Gaius and Lucius Caesar was not made quite explicit, and did obviously not play an important part in public representation.
But — these vague assimilations if there are any cannot be retraced as necessary consequence of the princeps iuuentutis-concept. Such a field does not bear the concept of succession or of political leadership.
In consequence, this association with two such heroes would and could not designate the future emperor, in difference to other real and symbolic measures of political relevance for succession.
In addition, on coins and reliefs usually both Jupiter-sons were depicted, thus the assimilations to the Dioscuri at least in the Augustan times and the 1 st century AD seem to make reference to always two persons, two individual young men Only in cases with two young members of the ruling elite, it makes sense to combine the concept of the Dioscuri as tutelary gods and eternal patrons of the Roman knights with the two living patrons of the knights, the principes iuuentutis.
After Lucius and Gaius, whom modern writers connect to the Dioscuri mainly because of the notion and supposed vicinity of the two couples of brotherly knights, the aspects of fraternal love and of leaders of the knights obviously back off in the visual and verbal presentation of the designated successors 38 , and only a vague allusion to young promising riders was left.
But because their father was murdered in AD 23, and Germanicus Gemellus died in the same year, the twins were no longer promoted by the emperor Tiberius. Gemellus was adopted by Caligula the day Gemellus assumed the toga uirilis and received the honour of princeps iuuentutis.
But as Gemellus died soon after, there might have been no time to present this promotion on coins or inscriptions Instead, Caligula honoured and rehabilitated his already deceased elder brothers in coins minted in Rome 42 : these coins presented two riders and the legend NERO ET DRVSVS CAESARES on the reverses as posthumous.
The coin-issues alluded to the Dioscuri-theme but again were not matched to the princeps iuuentutis title and notion. However, it seems more likely that the Dioscuri-medaillon was just one of the many Antonine medaillons with Greek and Roman heroes like Heracles, Aeneas and Ascanius.
Indeed, both young boys had received the title of Caesar and other honours, thus making them heir and successor apparent, but they were not nominated principes iuuentutis Even if the Dioscuri-theme and iconography of the medaillon was meant to refer quite vaguely to both successors of the throne, it did not create a direct connection to the equestrian order.
Later, in AD , when Lucius Verus and Marcus were no longer Caesares but already Augusti, they chose to associate themselves on medaillons to the Dioscuri As in the case of Augustus 47 and Domitian 48 , the emperors Antoninus Pius, Lucius Verus and Marcus Aurelius were assimilated to the divine twins — for Augustus and Domitian poets had made this choice, whereas the Antonines had made their choices themselves.
Already in the AD s, Antoninus Pius honoured his Caesar Marcus Aurelius with medaillons, one of which had one of the Dioscuri with his horse on the reverse This bronze medaillon for a Caesar not a princeps iuuentutis was obviously the model for the later coin-issues of Marcus Aurelius Augustus and Commodus Augustus.
In AD , Commodus was no longer Caesar and princeps iuuentutis, but one of two Augusti. As Commodus was Augustus at that time, it obviously had nothing to do with the princeps iuuentutis concept Septimius Geta Caesar received several imperial coin issues with his portrait and name on the obverse and allusions to various deities and notions on the reverse.
The reverse variations comprised inter alia Aeternitas, Concordia, Dis Pater, Felicitas, Liberalitas, Minerva, Pietas, Roma Aeterna, Spes, and Victoria. Only one such series had the legend and iconography of Castor, and separated on another series was presented the princeps iuuentutis legend connected to and linked with each other.
In addition, the princeps iuuentutis iconography does no longer allude to the Augustan Roman equites, and the famous silver hasta and parma, Gaius and Lucius had received together with the title by the knights.
Especially in the contexts of ceremonies like the reception of the toga uirilis, processions and games like the Game of Troy at the Great Secular games in AD 47, the audience could be impressed by the physical beauty and promising moral strength of the imperial offspring the cooptation to one or more of the major Roman priestly collegia.
Imperial power for domestic policy: tribunicia potestas. Imperial power for foreign affairs and policy: imperium proconsulare. Literary texts with encomiastic context and specific literary pre-settings do not allow to accept far-reaching conclusions for the official titles and status of the presumed heirs, if not attested by other «hard», trustworthy evidence.
Germanicus is never entitled as princeps iuuentutis in inscriptions or imperial coins. However, Ovid alludes to Germanicus as a princeps of the youth in one of his letters from Pontus This is the only reference to such an «honour» and «title» for Germanicus in his lifetime — and it may be doubted if Ovid ever meant it to be a «technical» term.
But he was quite a young, showcased member of the imperial family — at least compared to Tiberius, the adopted son of Augustus and presumed heir to the throne.
Later in AD 23, when Drusus had died, the knights decreed that a silver shield should be carried each year at the transuectio equitum with the inscription the equites have honoured Drusus with However, it will be reviewed if these assumptions are supported by the evidence of post-Augustan principes iuuentutis.
Therefore, the following part of investigation of the post-Augustan time of the Empire is based mainly on epigraphical and numismatic evidence to get a more or less solid basis of chronology and officially propagated titles and honours of potential successors of the emperor.
But Gaius was already singled out by Tiberius when he allowed the boy to speak the laudatio funebris of Livia on the rostra Suet.
No extraordinary titles are attested and Gaius assumed the toga uirilis only at the age of 18 ibid. However, the 19 or 20 years old received the privilege of becoming quaestor before the legal age qualification. At twenty-four, Caligula himself was a young man when made emperor in AD His wives and some counsellors seem to have been most influential for shifts in decisions concerning the pros and cons for the potential successors — at least this is what historiography makes us believe.
In the next year, AD 51, Claudius started to single out Nero comparable to the measures Augustus had taken for Lucius and Gaius Caesar: Nero assumed the toga uirilis a year before the minimum age of fourteen. In March of the same year, he was pre-elected consul, consul designatus at this very age, fourteen, to take over the office only six years later.
Necessarily, this designation to the highest office included the exemption from the lower magistracies. The festivities for Nero included his announcement of a largess to the people and the soldiers These distinctions were comparable to those of Gaius and Lucius Caesar.
Both had been co-opted in one of the priestly collegia, Nero was co-opted into four of them. That there did not exist a couple of potential successors, no Dioscuri-like-twin-pair, no second Gaius-and-Lucius-Caesar-leaders-of-the-youth became manifest, when Britannicus reached the same age of fourteen, two and a half years later.
Although in literary tradition, the princeps iuuentutis title is only one of many privileges and honours bestowed on young Nero, on coin issues of the year, the title is most prominent. Aurei and denarii-types with a similar iconography and Nero-legends were minted in the imperial mints of Rome and Lugdunum.
Von Kaenel distinguishes three main types minted in Rome in AD 51 Firstly, with Claudius on the obverse and Nero with name and princeps iuuentutis title on the reverse cointype 51 64 , secondly, a draped bust of Nero with his name and the title of princeps iuuentutis on the obverse and on the reverse the allusion to the four priesthoods cointype 52 65 ; and thirdly the cointype 53 66 , a draped bust of Nero on the obverse with his name and the title as consul designate in the dative case and on the reverse the honorific silver shield and the spear the Roman knights had offered him when making him their leader of the turmae of the youth.
The legend refers to Nero being the leader of the Roman knights. Domitian became princeps iuuentutis probably at the same time, a title attested in coins and inscriptions from AD 70 And as these short-lived coin issues presenting both Caesares, Titus and Domitian, as principes iuuentutis, was a phenomenon restricted to a couple of months, it becomes obvious that whoever made that choices was not considering the concept of that honour, and for whom Augustus had designed it for.
Whatever the notion of a princeps iuuentutis was at that time, it was obviously ignored. Titus was at that time an established member of the senate: he had made his career, was quaestor in 64 or 65 and legatus legionis XIV Apollinaris in When he was made Caesar and perhaps princeps iuuentutis in AD 69, he was already 30 years old, a respected senator with a good reputation as a military man — a reputation he reinforced by his conquest of Jerusalem in late summer AD Senators like him are not supposed to take part in the yearly parade of the equites.
After his victory in the Jewish war, he was acclaimed imperator and — if he ever had the title — the title princeps iuuentutis dropped apparently. Although Domitian received several coin-types and issues with the prince of the youth title since AD 70, there was none of that kind minted for Titus alone.
Thus it may be presumed that the title for Titus was either adopted in anticipatory obedience by the mint-master or another responsible? It apparently seemed that this not fitting young-unexperienced-man-title and honour was used for Titus for only a couple of months, a period of time in which Titus himself was not in Rome and was not personally involved in whatever ceremonies and rituals of the knights might have taken place to celebrate the new emperor and his sons.
By AD 70, after his conquest of Jerusalem, followed accumulations of powers and offices connected to the senatorial commander Caesar Titus a triumphator and experienced junior partner to his father Augustus Vespasian.
And Domitian Caesar obviously remained princeps iuuentutis until at least AD 80, probably even until September AD 81 when he became Augustus himself Domitian Caesar princeps iuuentutis kept the title when he became older and took over senatorial offices.
He was praetor urbanus in AD 70, became a member of the priesthood of the Arval brethren and in AD 76 member of the pontifical collegium As the previous principes iuuentutis he was soon made consul designatus, and was made one of the consules suffecti in the year AD 71, aged twenty.
He became consul ordinarius in 73, the year in which Vespasian and Titus were occupied with the censorship. Spes obviously meant the hope and promise of a good future of the imperial house, secured by the existence of young successors.
Later historiography, denouncing the emperor Domitian as a monster and tyrant, paint his time as Caesar and princeps iuuentutis rather pale. Apart from the hostile later traditions, we have no clues to the relationships of Domitian with his father and with his brother.
During this period of time, he was made six times consul under his father Vespasian, only one time less than Titus It is unknown, if Vespasian ever intended Domitian to become a prospective successor like the much more distinguished and decorated eleven or twelve years elder brother Titus.
Titus does not fit into the line of Gaius, Lucius, Nero and his younger brother Domitian. And if elected, then at least the title was rarely used and had no prominence at all for the experienced senator and general.
However, as the title was dropped within a couple of months, it seems as if the Julio-Claudian concept of the young, more or less inexperienced in public offices and duties, but protruding and promising son of the emperor was still valid.
And like in the cases of Gaius, Lucius, and Nero, Domitian became member of priesthoods, became consul-designate and kept the title even when he had become senator and consul. Historiographical anecdotes as well as few coins attest that principes iuuentutis presided over games and were thus presented in more than the occasion of the transuectio and similar occasions of public appearance of the knights to the people in the city of Rome as outstanding young men with outstanding wealth and the appropriate generosity and benevolence At the end of the first century and in the first half of the second century the successors were chosen by adoption, the adoption of adult and distinguished senators.
The title of princeps iuuentutis was obviously inappropriate for a Trajan, Hadrian, or Antoninus Pius. The combined adoption of the 52 years old Antoninus Pius by Hadrian who was made Caesar at that occasion, and of the 16 years old Marcus Aurelius and 7 years old Lucius Verus by Antoninus Pius, made obvious, that a quinquagennarian was not thought to be young enough to symbolically or really secure the future of the imperial house and the Empire.
A few months after Antoninus Pius became the new emperor, Marcus was elected quaestor for AD , and in the same year was made Caesar, seuir equitum Romanorum, and was co-opted in all priestly collegia Albeit singled out in cult priesthoods and ritual parade of the knights , Marcus demonstratively was not made consul before the age, he was not exempted from the lower magistracies as Gaius, Lucius, Nero, and Domitian had experienced.
But obviously, he did not carry the title. Apparently, to Antoninus Pius, the duty of one of the seuiri of the turmae of the knights seemed more appropriate to connect the young man to the Roman knights, thus avoiding any allusion to the negative image of the last such principes of the Youth, Nero and Domitian.
A vague connection of the Caesar Marcus to the young Roman knights was probably propagated on imperial coins: between AD and , aurei and coins of lesser value were issued in Rome that combined the personification of Iuuentas on the reverse with Marcus Aurelius Caesar consul, son of Antoninus Pius on the obverse And although, Marcus and Lucius presented themselves together with the Dioscuri on one medaillon in AD as a symbol of young knights fighting for Rome, of two young men that guarantee the Roman victory in times of external threat, this iconography was only chosen after Lucius and Marcus had become emperors themselves Later, the imagery of the one single rider as alleged reference to the twin-couple of the Dioscuri was again used for a young Augustus, Commodus Born in the year , the year Marcus and Lucius had become emperors, he had been made Caesar of the two Augusti at the age of five.
Henceforward he was named L. Aurelius Commodus Caesar. In the year , then aged nearly 14, he took the toga uirilis, was co-opted to the priestly collegia, and received the title of princeps iuuentutis. In early March of that very year AD , Avidius Cassius, mislead by rumours that Marcus had died, proclaimed himself emperor Compared to the situation of Marcus, adopted son of Antoninus, the situation had changed for Commodus, son of Marcus.
In addition, for the little boy of five the title of Caesar was part of his personal name and he was then clearly denoted as son of one of the two ruling Augusti. Later, for the 14 years old young man, now the eldest son of the sole emperor, the princeps iuuentutis title made him the designated successor in a time of danger.
Some of the many coin issues of this short period of time that present Commodus as princeps iuuentutis refer explicitly in legend but not in all variants in the iconography to the order of the Roman knights, similar to one of the coin-types issued by Claudius in the name of Nero The danger lasted only few months and was over by the end of July.
In November , he was made Imperator and perhaps Augustus, and in December he was granted the tribunicia potestas. These honours, offices, and titles were of much greater importance for the presentation of the 16 years old young man as no longer designated successor to the throne, but himself now a co-ruler.
This was underlined by the strengthening of the visual and verbal presence of successors or partners. The imperial family but especially sons as designated successors, most often then called Caesares, as well as partners, Augusti, became even more important as means to secure a reigning emperor and assure the people of a long-lasting and secured stability of the dynasty and thereby the peace and prosperity for all Only the very young were sometimes still entitled principes iuuentutis.
Aurelius Antoninus In AD , only after Clodius Albinus had been defeated, Caracalla was additionally entitled imperator destinatus, princeps iuuentutis, and he was co-opted into two of the priestly collegia. This child-emperor was soon co-opted in the other priesthoods and received the title of pater patriae at the end of AD , then eleven years old.
Again, the following events and especially the following honours with the Augustus- title later in the same year, made the princeps iuuentutis title only of secondary, minor importance and it was dropped. Together with the Caesar -name he was entitled princeps iuuentutis. It is unlikely that he received the toga uirilis with the age of eight, thus the title of princeps iuuentutis had become now an «empty» honour, without the responsibility and honour of riding at the top of the parade or presiding games — as the iconography on coins without hasta and parma makes likewise obvious.
In addition, only a small minority of the various and many imperial coin issues in gold, silver and bronze of Geta Caesar informs explicitly that he is also princeps of the youth, whereas the honour and priestly office of pontifex is named in most of the coins.
The epigraphic evidence is comparable: the princeps iuuentutis title is often neglected, the name Caesar and the priestly office of pontifex and then later also the consulate was obviously seen to have much more value and importance to designate the emperor to be, the successor to the throne But the titles of Geta and Caracalla tell a different story because one of the two boys, Caracalla, was at that time already Augustus.
One such aureus of AD presents the emperor Septimius Severus on the obverse. On the reverse are busts of his two sons as incarnation and insurance of the eternity of the empire as the legend AETERNIT IMPERI says At that time, Caracalla is already Augustus in his fourth year, Geta is Caesar and princeps iuuentutis.
The second example of the same year has the fifteen years old emperor Caracalla Augustus characterised with a bust of a boy on the obverse and the bust of twelve years old Geta Caesar on the reverse outlines the same imagery: young boys which are the future of the empire and which have already taken over responsibilities and duties for the res publica It has on the obverse Geta Caesar, the pontife.
On the reverse his title princeps iuuentutis is combined with allusion to a military scene with a trophy next to Geta. One might see this as an allusion to the knights because of the spear. Münzkabinett der Staatlichen Museen zu Berlin, no. This kind of iconography and such legends already hint to the third century when aeternitas, securitas, hilaritas and similar legends are usually connected to portraits of the sons of young Caesars or Augusti.
They were then aged fourteen, were each additionally co-opted to a priestly collegium, and were both designated for a consulate. The next principes iuuentutis eighteen years old Tiberius Gemellus honoured thus only for a couple of months and unreported in coins and inscriptions and Nero were likewise adopted by the ruling emperor.
According to the Fasti of the Arvales, Tiberius Gemellus became a member of the brethren. Nero was as well co-opted — but to all four major priesthoods and he was designated to a consulate. In these cases, the Roman imperial coin-issues stress the narrow connection to the knights.
The line continued with young Domitian. The short-lived and obviously mismatching title for Titus was dropped soon, probably at the latest when Vespasian arrived in Rome summer AD 70 and took over personal control of the Roman mint.
Nevertheless, Germanicus and Drusus were obviously honoured by the equestrian order posthumously, and Antoninus Pius made Marcus seuir of the turmae of the knights that is one of the leaders of these units.
However, this title and duty as well as the coin with the Iuuentas reverse make obvious that the young designated successor Marcus was narrowly connected to the Roman knights. There is no clue to any such arrangement for Lucius Verus and no such coins were minted in his name.
More importantly, Marcus, Lucius and later Commodus were initially singled out by the title and name Caesar, a name that designated the successor, the junior partner of an Augustus.
In the same year, AD , he took the toga uirilis and was co-opted to the priesthoods. Although age and other offices and titles are similar to the first century tradition, the context seems somewhat different, and the title was soon no longer of use, when the usurper Cassius who threatened the dynasty, was beaten.
However, with Commodus and the later Severan use of titles, honours and offices for very young boys, the respective conceptual contexts were lost and became superfluous. And in the specific case of the princeps iuuentutis, the iconography of spear and shield was no longer the main marker of the honour and previous duty.
A Caesar of five, a princeps iuuentutis of nine, a holder of the tribunicia potestas with sixteen and an emperor-Augustus at the age of nine — this all reduces the importance, which specific title, office, duty the designated successor received as long as the boys accumulated several of these honours and titles.
There was left only one, however important, message and symbolic meaning of all these various titles and honours, including the one of the princeps iuuentutis : the security and future of the Empire.
As in Augustan times, youth, especially the young male members of the elite and the imperial family, symbolised wealth, prosperity, physical strength and security of the Roman People. The existence of one or two natural or adopted sons secured this future.
These boys were guarantors of internal peace and of the external security of the Roman Empire. They promised peace, stability and welfare to the Roman People, whatever age they had, whatever title and honours they had received.
Weinstock, s. Behringer, s. Since the late Roman Republic, the epithet but not «title» princeps iuuentutis was used to distinguish individuals like Pompeius or Brutus, Cic.
Some modern authors mistook this epithetic allusion to youth and aristocracy as a proof for the existence of a concept and title of a princeps iuuentutis in pre-Augustan times, see e.
Geppert, Castor und Pollux. Untersuchung zu den Darstellungen der Dioskuren in der römischen Kaiserzeit, Münster, , p. Stein, Der römische Ritterstand. Ein Beitrag zur Sozial- und Personengeschichte des römischen Reiches, Munich, , esp. Weinstock, Transvectio Equitum ; S.
Et ex eo die, quo deducti sunt in forum, ut interessent consiliis publicis decreuit senatus. Equites autem Romani uniuersi principem iuuentutis utrumque eorum parmis et hastis argenteis donatum appellauerunt. Eck, «La riforma dei gruppi dirigenti. Clemente, F. Coarelli et E. Gabba éd.
Pflaum, Les procurateurs équestres sous le Haut-Empire romain, Paris, Parma and hasta were obviously not supposed to be an easily recognizable iconographic marker for the two princes and the specific title and function of princeps iuuentutis.
Inscriptional references to the title of one or both Caesares e. ILS, Polimartium, Italy , Pavia , Rome , Rome , Angulus, Italy , Rome. En países desarrollados que cuentan con una moneda fuerte como el dólar o el euro, la idea de un banco central imprimiendo billetes a destajo sería como una pesadilla.
Una locura. Pero llegó la pandemia de coronavirus y la idea del helicóptero ha comenzado a dar vueltas entre algunos expertos que, bajo otras circunstancias, nunca la habrían considerado.
A los bancos centrales les da miedo", le dice a BBC Mundo Manuel Romera , director del sector financiero de IE Business School, en España. Dinero en helicóptero: el plan de emergencia que pondría de acuerdo a Trump y la Fed. El FMI advierte que la recesión mundial por el coronavirus es "mucho peor" que la de la crisis financiera.
Sería una equivocación". En la discusión actual, la metáfora del helicóptero monetario está siendo utilizada en un sentido más amplio. Mientras la idea original era imprimir billetes y lanzarlos a la calle, algunos economistas piensan que hay versiones más flexibles de esta política. Aunque siempre se trata de un banco central activo que financia los gastos de emergencia, hay mecanismos más complejos que permiten inyectar liquidez al sistema.
Incluso hay quienes consideran que las medidas que se están tomando actualmente en Estados Unidos y Europa para mitigar los efectos de la recesión son, de alguna manera, dinero helicóptero, porque se trata de un estímulo fiscal para aumentar el consumo financiado por los bancos centrales.
El dinero helicóptero, explica, serviría para enfrentar "los extraordinarios déficits de los gobiernos que probablemente veremos como resultado de las medidas fiscales para limitar el daño económico que está causando la pandemia". Jordi Galí , economista del Centro de Investigación en Economía Internacional CREI y profesor de la Universidad Pompeu Fabra en Barcelona, es otra de las voces que aboga por encender los motores.
Si la idea de repartir dinero desde el aire terminará imponiéndose en algunos países, dependerá de cómo evolucione la crisis sanitaria y qué tan profundo sea el descalabro económico global. No se sabe si vendrán nuevas olas de contagio después que se aplane la curva de contagios y fallecidos, si los científicos encontrarán una vacuna o un tratamiento para el COVID ni hasta cuándo se extenderán las cuarentenas para contener la propagación del coronavirus.
En lo que coinciden los expertos es que la recesión global será muy profunda y que el desempleo escalará hasta niveles récord, dejando una estela de pobreza y desesperación que los países deberán enfrentar con todas las municiones fiscales y monetarias que tengan a su alcance.
Pekín, 19 mar EFE. Bangkok, 19 mar EFE. Lima, 19 mar EFE. Nueva Delhi, 19 mar EFE. Según la Casa Blanca, las conversaciones se llevarán a cabo en los próximos días y se espera que involucren a expertos militares, de inteligencia y humanitarios.
Con más talento y mejor repartido que en ediciones anteriores, los Juegos Olímpicos de París prometen gran espectáculo sobre la duela. Monterrey México , 18 mar EFE. Sídney Australia , 19 mar EFE.
Las monedas de 50 peniques, en las que aparece la emblemática nave espacial, se unen ahora a las que incluyen en su diseño a personajes clave de la saga, como es el caso de Han Solo y Chewbacca.
Nueva York, 18 mar EFE. A Caesar of five, a princeps iuuentutis of nine, a holder of the tribunicia potestas with sixteen and an emperor-Augustus at the age of nine — this all reduces the importance, which specific title, office, duty the designated successor received as long as the boys accumulated several of these honours and titles.
There was left only one, however important, message and symbolic meaning of all these various titles and honours, including the one of the princeps iuuentutis : the security and future of the Empire.
As in Augustan times, youth, especially the young male members of the elite and the imperial family, symbolised wealth, prosperity, physical strength and security of the Roman People. The existence of one or two natural or adopted sons secured this future. These boys were guarantors of internal peace and of the external security of the Roman Empire.
They promised peace, stability and welfare to the Roman People, whatever age they had, whatever title and honours they had received. Weinstock, s. Behringer, s. Since the late Roman Republic, the epithet but not «title» princeps iuuentutis was used to distinguish individuals like Pompeius or Brutus, Cic.
Some modern authors mistook this epithetic allusion to youth and aristocracy as a proof for the existence of a concept and title of a princeps iuuentutis in pre-Augustan times, see e.
Geppert, Castor und Pollux. Untersuchung zu den Darstellungen der Dioskuren in der römischen Kaiserzeit, Münster, , p. Stein, Der römische Ritterstand.
Ein Beitrag zur Sozial- und Personengeschichte des römischen Reiches, Munich, , esp. Weinstock, Transvectio Equitum ; S.
Et ex eo die, quo deducti sunt in forum, ut interessent consiliis publicis decreuit senatus. Equites autem Romani uniuersi principem iuuentutis utrumque eorum parmis et hastis argenteis donatum appellauerunt.
Eck, «La riforma dei gruppi dirigenti. Clemente, F. Coarelli et E. Gabba éd. Pflaum, Les procurateurs équestres sous le Haut-Empire romain, Paris, Parma and hasta were obviously not supposed to be an easily recognizable iconographic marker for the two princes and the specific title and function of princeps iuuentutis.
Inscriptional references to the title of one or both Caesares e. ILS, Polimartium, Italy , Pavia , Rome , Rome , Angulus, Italy , Rome. with more references W. Behringer, Princeps iuuentutis, esp.
For the late Republican more individualised use of the epithet, see above note 1. Sed neque detrahi quemquam in trauehendo ab accusatore passus est, quod fieri solebat, et senio uel aliqua corporis labe insignibus permisit, praemisso in ordine equo, ad respondendum quotiens citarentur pedibus uenire; mox reddendi equi gratiam fecit eis, qui maiores annorum quinque et triginta retinere eum nollent.
Veyne, «Iconographie de la transvectio equitum et des Lupercales», REA, 62, , p. Demougin et al. Rebecchi, Iconografia, p. Kleijwegt, Ancient Youth. Horster, «Kinderkarrieren? Klodt éd. Kleijwegt, Ancient Youth, p. Hurlet, Les collègues du prince sous Auguste et Tibère. Cogitore, «Séries de dédicaces italiennes à la dynastie Julio-Claudienne», MEFRA, , , p.
Rose, Dynastic Commemoration and Imperial Portraiture in the Julio-Claudian Period, Cambridge, Lebek, «Ehrenbogen und Prinzentod: 9 v. Wolters, «Gaius und Lucius Caesar als designierte Konsuln und principes iuuentutis.
Die lex Valeria Cornelia und RIC I 2 ff. A discussion of these and of later coins for the Julio-Claudian Caesares is presented by A. Mlasowsky, « Nomini ac fortunae Caesarum proximi. Die Sukzessionspropaganda der römischen Kaiser von Augustus bis Nero im Spiegel der Reichsprägung und der archäologischen Quellen», JdAI, , , p.
Mellado Rivera, Princeps Iuventutis. Caesares, p. Steudel, Die Literaturparodie in Ovids Ars Amatoria, Hildesheim, Zürich, New York, , p. Schmitzer, «Die Macht über die Imagination. Literatur und Politik unter den Bedingungen des frühen Prinzipats», RhM, , , p.
Ovid composed a similar text for Germanicus iuuenum princeps, Ov. For the idea of the «princeps», the «princeps senatus» and ideas of succession in republican and Augustan Rome, see the contrasting approaches and results of P.
Haine de la royauté et séductions monarchiques du iv e siècle av. au principat augustéen , Clermont-Ferrand, vol. Mellado Rivera, Princeps, p. Hurlet, Les collègues.
the Gaius-portrait of Béziers or the North frieze of the Ara Pacis. Boschung, Gens, p. Later iconography does not adopt the scheme. For example, the young Augustus and consul Caracalla is depicted like a little boy, cf.
the Roman aureus, RIC, IV Caracalla , p. ANTO-NINVS AVG. with a childlike portrait, laureate and draped; rev. SEPT GETA CAES PONT.
with a boyish bare headed portrait. Poulsen, «The Dioscuri and Ruler Ideology», Symbolae Osloenses, 66, , p. Nista éd. According to E. La Rocca, Memore, p. The many deities and heroes on funerary monuments and sarcophagi may but must not have a special connection to the underworld, or have a specific tutelary function for the dead.
Bertinetti, «Testimonianze del culto dei Dioscuri in area laziale», p. Cancellieri, «Le aedes Castoris et Pollucis nel Lazio: una nota», p.
For the military and political aspects of the Dioscuri in Republican literary traditions, see J. Sihvola, «Il culto dei Dioscuri nei suoi aspetti politici», p.
Sironen, «I Dioscuri nella letteratura romana», p. Steinby éd. I, Rome, Poulsen, «Cult, Myth, and Politics», dans I. Nielsen et B. Poulsen éd. Poulsen p. The couple Castor and Pollux on galloping horses are prominent on coins from BC to ca. RRC, p. Poulsen, ibid.
Either Augustus chose a new date for the inauguration of the rebuilt temple which was de dicated by Tiberius in AD 6, or the January-date was already established by the first temple or one of the later renovations.
In the latter case, the transuectio of the knights, installed in the late fourth century BC, had not been connected to the Dioscuri-cult as tightly as often assumed, at least as far as the date is concerned.
Zanker, Das Forum Romanum. Die Neugestaltung durch Augustus, Tübingen, ; M. Spannagel, Exemplaria Principis. Walker, «The Moral Museum: Augustus and the image of Rome», dans J.
Coulston et H. Dodge éd. The Archaeology of the Eternal City, Oxford, , p. Sande et J. Zahle éd. The Augustan Temple, Rome, Nilson, C.
Persson et J. Zahle, «Appendix I: A Rebuilding of the Metellan Temple? For the festivities and other associations of the two Caesares and the Forum, see M. Spannagel, Exemplaria, p.
However, the Dioscuri-motive was only one of several images like e. Diana this triumuir monetalis chose to be present on «his» coins.
Albeit the famous lake Regillus story and the dedication of the Dioscuri-temple, the Dioscuri were obviously not the main iconographic symbol of the family.
Caecilius Metellus Dalmaticus, financed by spoils of the war, Cic. Dioscuri on coins of mint-masters e. Servius Rufus? Mythography: for the epiphany of the Dioscuri after the battle of Pydna, see above references in note Apart from «official» iconography, choices of imagery on Roman coins etc.
Mikocky, Sub specie deae: les impératrices et princesses romaines assimilées à des déesses: étude iconologique, Rome, , criticised by A. Alexandridis, Die Frauen des römischen Kaiserhauses: eine Untersuchung ihrer bildlichen Darstellung von Livia bis Iulia Domna, Mayence, Poulsen, Dioscuri, p. Unconvincing is the «evidence» thus E.
Rocca, Memore, p. For the Roman templum Castoris as a abridged usage of the otherwise well attested templum Castoris et Pollucis, see B. Poulsen, «The Written Sources», dans Castor and Pollux, p. The reconstruction of the Castor and Pollux temple building inscription in CIL is rather creative: CIL, VI, AE, , Meise, «Der Sesterz des Drusus mit den Zwillingen und die Nachfolgepläne des Tiberius», JNG, 16, , p.
Mlasowsky, Nomini, p. Most assimilations of the twins and the Dioscuri are known from the provinces in honorific inscriptions as it seems , see B. Poulsen, Written Sources, p.
However, the sons of Germanicus, Nero Iulius Caesar and Drusus III Iulius Caesar were according to B. This is insofar misleading, as the title is not attested in any of these posthumous coin-issues RIC, I 2 , f.
Caligula made a specific and quite sophisticated use of the coins as means of propagating his legitimation as princeps and emperor of the Roman people with a series of coins issued in the name of and in commemoration of family members, cf.
Trillmich, Familienpropaganda der Kaiser Caligula und Claudius. Agrippina Maior und Antonia Augusta auf Münzen, Berlin, , p. On Nero and Drusus and their assimilation to the Dioscuri, see A.
Coleman, Statius Silvae Book IV, Oxford, , p. In Stat. Gnecchi, I Medaglioni Romani. Volume Secondo: Bronzo. Gnecchi, Medaglioni, p. with busts, names and titles of the Augusti, rev. with Castor and Pollux. Gnecchi, Medaglioni p.
Poulsen, Ideologia, p. Szaivert, Münzprägung, p. and Comm. For variants of the type, see B. CASTOR, Castor standing, r. holding horse in front by rein, l. holding spear or sceptre. Princeps iuuentutis-Issue : RIC, Geta, n o ; n o a; n o ; n o obv. with bust or portrait of Geta, rev.
The standard allusion to the Augustan princeps iuuentutis would have been spear and shield. quite similar RIC, Caracalla, n o A: the obverse with ANTONINVS AVG and his boyish portrait, on the reverse: PRINC IVVENT Geta and not Caracalla as identified in RIC standing left, holding branch and sceptre, behind is a shield leaning against a trophy.
In n o and , there are three or five galloping horsemen on the reverse combined with the PRINC IVVENT COS SC legend. Griffin, Nero. The End of a Dynasty, Londres, , p.
See P. Southern, Domitian. Tragic Tyrant, Londres, , p. Peachin, Roman Imperial Titulature and Chronology AD , Amsterdam, provide extensive lists with titles, offices, dates etc.
Arcus additi Romae et apud ripam Rheni et in monte Syriae Amano cum inscriptione rerum gestarum ac mortem ob rem publicam obisse.
Sepulchrum Antiochiae ubi crematus, tribunal Epidaphnae quo in loco uitam finierat, statuarum locorumue in quis coleretur haud facile quis numerum inierit.
Cum censeretur clipeus auro et magnitudine insignis inter auctores eloquentiae, adseuerauit Tiberius solitum paremque ceteris dicaturum: neque enim eloquentiam fortuna discerni et satis inlustre si ueteres inter scriptores haberetur.
Equester ordo cuneum Germanici appellauit qui iuniorum dicebatur, instituitque uti turmae idibus Iuliis imaginem eius sequerentur. Pleraque manent: quaedam statim omissa sunt aut uetustas oblitterauit.
Additional honours: Tabula Ilici and Tabula Hebana mention the following posthumous honours: the names of Gaius and Lucius were earlier given to centuriae of senators and knights as were given now after their respective death the names of Germanicus and Drusus Minor: all in all, 20 centuriae with 10 in common named after Gaius and Lucius and with 5 each to Germanicus in AD 20 and Drusus in AD See A.
For the priestly collegia on coins, see below note Britannicus is present in few provincial coin issues, J. von Kaenel, Münzbilder und Münztypen des Claudius, Berlin, , p. at the earliest in December 69 as no coins with that title can be dated with certainty to Neither B. Kienast, Kaisertabelle, p.
Buttrey, Documentary Evidence, p. RIC, II 2 Vespasian , n o , , , Southern, Domitian, p. Jones, The Emperor Domitian, Londres, , p. above note 31 for Gaius and Lucius, p. Later such attestations are e.
RIC, III M. bare-headed bust of Commodus Caesar; rev. Prominent participation in ceremonies and games is attested e. for the fourteen or fifteen years old Geta Caesar, princeps iuuentutis at the Secular Games of AD
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